英國中國移民的政治恐懼
明眼人都知道”政治恐懼”源於沒有言論自由的極權制度，但不知道英國的華人群體依然沒有獲得”免於恐懼的自由”，儘管英國在保護人權方面是值得稱讚的。那麼，這些華人選民是否會對英國的民主制度帶來沒有誠信的選票，答案是：選民的不自由，就無法做出自由的選舉。
我們也知道，作為生命情感所產生的各種因宗教、家規和傳統所帶來的恐懼原本普遍存在與人類社會。但政治恐懼確是來自人為的政治體制。那麼為了“免於恐懼的自由”，就只能訴求制度的改善。而製度在民主國家，人們可以投票從政黨交替來完善。但在極權國家，政治恐懼是統治人民的手段，是不可改變的。居住在英國的中國華人便生活這兩種制度的夾縫之中。確切地說，住在英國的中國華人雖身處民主制度的國家，卻仍生活在言論自由的中國極權制度之下。而這個移民群體己散佈在建有「中國城」的許多國家，人口數量絕不少於正發生戰爭而四處求生的難民數量。光是在英國就不少於二十萬人，而且還在增加。
這些中國華人近百年來幾代人都生活在皇權獨裁和極權制度之下，因而政治恐懼已然成為人民的精神烙印，也成了一代傳一代的DNA。特別是經過中國共產黨近八十年的統治，中國人已被教化成：做」國家機器中的螺絲釘」和」緊緊跟著黨走的馴服工具」。而這是從毛澤東就開啟的奴隸式的恐懼制度。中國的改革開放了國門，使許多中國華人來到英國生活定居，但他們被馴化的精神枷鎖並沒有解除，依然是祖國機器中的螺絲釘。祖國強大了螺絲釘才有自豪感。為了靠近祖國，中國華人組織了各種同鄉會，向中國政府表示：我們不是英國人是華僑，是心記中國，還要落葉歸根的中國人。他們的人生奮鬥目標是把英國一步步地中國化，還一度令人厭惡地把中國春節的紅包和餃子搬進了唐寧街十號。英國人竟沒有能力分辨傳統文化與共產黨文化是捆綁在一起的。
在中國，人民是不能成立任何團體搞活動的，也不敢公開過英國的節日。甚至連英國的《大憲章》的羊皮紙抄本，原本定在中國人民大學展出，也被擔心被學生們讀懂，便被關在英國大使館走廊裡。而那幾天習近平正坐在皇家金馬車住進了白金漢宮。所以英中文化從未交流過，只有單向度的政治侵蝕。走進英國議會的華人不敢看英國的獨立報章，也不敢帶英國出版的政治書籍到北京。萬一查到，他們將被切斷生意鍊或失蹤。因此華人會更守護著內心的恐懼感，以免掉進自由的陷井裡。新舊中國移民儘管己入籍英國，但大都依然生活在中國的政治文化之內。
毫無疑問，中國華人的集體自淫得到了英中雙方政府的支持，遺憾的是英國民主自由的製度正被極權政治削弱。當香港需要得到中英聯合聲明的保護時，英國己失去了政治權威，成為了被中國掌控的」經濟貿易部門」。我們也看到，許多國家拋棄了促進中國尊重人權的策略，為維持正常經濟貿易找到了辯護理由。也看到中國大使館可以透過英國華人的遊說，控制了英國政府對香港政局已無能為力的局面。蘋果日報的黎智英等英國公民，雖然擁有自由的精神信仰，確被關在了不自由的監獄裡。
在民主國家的華人社會，儘管有些華人私下也反感極權制度，但擁護中國極權政府的大眾佔了大多數。這也驗證了透過經濟權力是可以改變政治的權力版圖。掌握了全球產業鏈的中國政府，是可以絞死鏈中任何國家的政治體系。而一帶一路策略己成為移民華人為祖國開闢世界新秩序，充當著各國的顧問和友好大使，把華人與中國的臍帶又接通到了歐洲各國。
那麼，民主國家會不會走向中國極權秩序時代，成為比俄烏戰爭更警醒的政治議題？己擺在眼前的是：跨國鎮壓和滲透民主制度己改變政黨決策，在美國和泰國等國家都己經發生了。
當今世界正面臨各種衝突和戰爭，人人都會成為流亡者。而移民都會隨身攜帶宗教和政治文化的遺傳，特別是中國的華人。他們住在倫敦不如說住在中國城裡，中國華人的生活不需要民主，更不知道自由為何。他們為中國強大而自豪，為英國批評中國而憤怒，並努力與中國保持立場一致。也遊說政客們要熱愛中國的火鍋和極權體制會帶來財富。
但華僑們明白，僅僅發布一條在民主英國的正常訊息，如香港言論自由空間縮小，新疆存在種族滅絕、天安門事件或是要求釋放藝術家高兟等，也將受到中國政府的追查。只要是以華語閱讀書寫的華人，大都活在恐懼之中。甚至沒人敢在微信群組裡寫一句：我們要”免於恐懼的自由”，這句話早就寫在了人權宣言裡的話了。多數中國華人為了躲避政治恐懼而產生了製度依賴症，而且在華人社區己成了生存規矩。也因此華僑們開始加入各種社團，以便集體向中國政府報告在英國為中國做出的貢獻，以保住自已和家人的人身安全和財源不斷。
但言論自由的中國所帶來的恐懼與英國自由社會互不接壤。這種奇特的中國華人生存機制會在民主國家與極權國家之間製造矛盾，使政治衝突更加尖銳。在英國政黨輪替未穩定之時，中國政府會加速滲透英國政府的各項交流活動。也會使華人社群塞滿中國媒體的大外宣。孔子學院以及各大學也漸漸成為抗拒言論自由的立場。近日中國大使到劍橋大學鼓動留學生們要報效祖國。可以想像那些有了自由意識的青年內心的恐懼了。因為擁護英國民主自由制度的學生，會被罵成英國人的走狗。如果這些青年敢要求免於政治恐懼，那他中國的父母企業就會被查封。大企業家馬雲都因講話得罪了中國政府而暗然離開他開創的企業，何況那些掙錢讓孩子在英國讀得起書的小企業主們。紅色極權的恐懼也導致了中國年輕人不敢獨立思想，漸漸成為了聽黨指揮的文化義和團。再加上海外中文媒體的大外宣，也己經成了留學生們的精神枷鎖，失去了公開表達自由思想的熱情。還有在中國大學簽約授課的華人教授們，也懷著怕傳播了民主自由的值價觀而被失蹤的恐懼。中國共產黨因為害怕自由會撼動它的政權，建構了精密的網路審查系統，其恐懼遠超過奧威爾描寫的政治寓言。
我們也清楚，從中國帶來的恐懼就像馴獸師用對付猛虎的長鞭。中國華人不會因為來到民主體制之下恐懼就自動消失。無形的對長鞭的恐懼仍會附體。這使得中國華人先是對」免於恐懼的自由」沉默不語，然後就是對恐懼的習慣。因此，因經濟利益還在中國體制內做生意所感染的恐懼症，把他們變成了擁有英國護照的自由公民，同時也是暴力極權的活人質。政治恐懼猶如特洛伊木馬般鑽入了華人小社會，進而也會傳染英國的民主大社會的，這便使得中國華人更難獲得自由的勇氣。那麼，中國政府在英國的經濟貿易強大了，那些華僑們更不敢要求「免於恐懼的自由」了。
歐洲以及民主國家正面臨來自「習近平追隨者」的華僑們的政治誘因。越來越多的華僑到北京人民大會堂，聆聽習近平建立世界新秩序的訓話。回來後便以中英親近大使的招牌牽線搭橋，從而影響著從工廠到商業公司，從房地產到金融界到國會議員等各項經濟發展政策。我們守護英國的民主自由傳統，就必須警示那些與英國價值觀不一致的”華商報”、”光華書店”等大外宣媒體，同時也要求中國政府，停止對英國華人的網路監視和言論審查。英國試圖從中國政府獲得經濟利益，必然也會受到政治損害。極權政府的大餅不會白切一塊給自由的英國，除非習近平患上了政治抑鬱症。
政治恐懼是中國政府懸在英國華人頭上的劍，英國政府必須為這幾十萬擁有英國護照的華人移除恐懼，讓他們成為真正的英國公民。不然就是與中國極權者同流合污。
轉載自《中國之春》
The Political Fear of Chinese Immigrants in the UK
Anyone with a clear mind knows that “political fear” stems from a totalitarian system that lacks freedom of speech. However, few realize that the Chinese community in the UK still hasn’t attained “freedom from fear” despite the UK’s commendable record on human rights.
So will the Chinese voters cast untrustworthy ballots in the UK’s democratic system?
The answer is that voters cannot make free choices if they are not free.
We also understand that various fears, originating from religion, family rules, and traditions, are part of human society. But political fear arises from man-made political systems. In a democratic nation, people can strive for “freedom from fear” by improving the system through elections and political change. However, in a totalitarian state, political fear is a tool of governance—an unchangeable reality.
Chinese people living in the UK find themselves caught between these two systems. To be precise, though they live in a democratic nation, they remain under the influence of China’s authoritarian system, where free speech is suppressed. This migrant community has spread across many countries with their own Chinatowns, and their numbers are no less than those of refugees fleeing war. There are more than 500,000 Chinese in the UK alone, and the number is growing.
For nearly a century, generations of Chinese people have lived under imperial rule and authoritarian regimes, making political fear a deep-seated mark on their psyche, passed down from generation to generation. Particularly under the nearly 80 years of communist rule, the Chinese have been molded into “cogs in the state machine” and obedient tools that “follow the Chinese Communist Party.” Mao Zedong established this fear-driven system. China’s opening up to the world allowed many Chinese to settle in the UK, but the mental shackles of their indoctrination remain. They are still cogs in the Chinese machine. Their pride stems from China’s strength.
To stay close to China, Chinese people in the UK have formed various hometown associations, expressing to the Chinese regime that they are not British but overseas Chinese who long to return to their homeland. Their life goal is to gradually “Sinicize” the UK, even bringing elements like red envelopes and dumplings from the Chinese New Year into 10 Downing Street. The Britons have failed to distinguish between traditional Chinese culture and communist culture, which are often intertwined.
In China, people cannot form groups, hold activities, or openly celebrate British holidays. Even a parchment copy of the Magna Carta, which was scheduled to be displayed at Renmin University in China in October 2015, was locked away at the British Embassy for fear that students might read and understand it. At around the same time, Xi Jinping was riding in a royal carriage, staying at Buckingham Palace. There has never been a true cultural exchange between the UK and China—only one-sided political influence.
Chinese people in the UK Parliament dare not read independent British newspapers or bring politically sensitive books back to Beijing. If discovered, they risk losing business connections or disappearing altogether. As a result, they cling even more tightly to their inner fears to avoid falling into the trap of freedom. Even after obtaining British citizenship, most Chinese still live under the CCP’s political culture.
There is no doubt that the collective self-deception of the Chinese community has been supported by both the British government and the Chinese regime. Unfortunately, the UK’s democratic freedom is being weakened by totalitarian politics. When Hong Kong needed the protection of the Sino-British Joint Declaration, the UK had already lost its political authority and was reduced to a “department of economic trade” under Chinese control.
Many countries have abandoned efforts to push China to respect human rights, instead justifying their pursuit of stable trade relations. We have also seen how the Chinese Embassy, through lobbying by the Chinese in the UK, has rendered the British government powerless to influence the situation in Hong Kong. Jimmy Lai, the founder of Apple Daily and a British citizen, holds a spirit of freedom but is imprisoned in a place where freedom is absent.
In the Chinese communities of democratic nations, although some privately resent the authoritarian regime, there are still others who, influenced by the CCP’s propaganda against democratic systems, do not have much appreciation for democracy. This confirms that economic power can reshape the political landscape. With control of global supply chains, the CCP can strangle the political systems of any nation. The Belt and Road Initiative has positioned overseas Chinese as consultants and friendly envoys, reconnecting their umbilical cord with China and influencing European countries.
So will democratic nations fall into an era of CCP authoritarianism, a political issue more alarming than the Russia–Ukraine war? We can already see it: transnational repression and infiltration of democratic systems have altered party decision-making, as seen in countries like the United States and Thailand.
The world is now facing various conflicts and wars, and everyone could become a refugee. Migrants carry with them their religious and political cultures, especially the Chinese. It’s more accurate to say that many Chinese people living in London are still residing in Chinatowns, where democracy isn’t needed and freedom is barely understood. They take pride in China’s strength, feel anger when the UK criticizes China, and strive to align with Beijing’s stance. They also lobby politicians, promoting the idea that China’s authoritarian system and hot pot culture will bring wealth.
However, the Chinese diaspora knows that simply posting a human rights message in democratic Britain—such as mentioning shrinking freedoms in Hong Kong, genocide in Xinjiang, the Tiananmen Square massacre, or calling for the release of artist Gao Yisheng—could lead to being tracked by the Chinese regime. Most Chinese-speaking individuals live in fear. No one dares to write, even in a WeChat group, “We want freedom from fear,” a phrase already inscribed in the Declaration of Human Rights. Most Chinese immigrants develop a dependency on the system to avoid political fear, a survival rule in Chinese communities. Hence, many join various associations to collectively report their contributions to China from the UK, ensuring their and their family’s safety and financial security.
The political fear brought by the CCP’s censorship does not connect with the freedoms of British society. This unique survival mechanism of the Chinese in democratic nations will create more intense political conflicts. The Chinese regime will speed up its infiltration of British governmental and social exchanges, flooding Chinese communities with state-sponsored propaganda.
Confucius Institutes and universities will gradually become bases resisting free speech. Last month, China’s ambassador went to Cambridge University to encourage students to serve the motherland, fueling the fear of those who have developed a sense of freedom. Students who support British democracy are branded as traitors to China, and their families’ businesses could be shut down. If the CCP punished even a billionaire like Jack Ma for his words, how can small business owners afford to speak up?
The political fear of China’s red authoritarianism makes it difficult for young Chinese to think independently. Chinese state media’s propaganda in the UK further stifles students’ passion for free expression. Professors teaching in Chinese universities also fear for their safety if they spread democratic values. The CCP’s fear of freedom, which it believes could topple its regime, has built a sophisticated internet censorship system, surpassing the political allegories of Orwell’s imagination.
It’s clear that the fear brought by the CCP, like a trainer’s whip for a wild beast, won’t vanish simply because the Chinese community has moved to a democratic society. This invisible fear remains. The Chinese first become silent about the “freedom from fear” and then become accustomed to the fear itself. Many of them, having built businesses under China’s system, are simultaneously British passport holders and living hostages of authoritarian violence. Political fear, like a Trojan horse, penetrates Chinese micro-communities, which will, in turn, affect British society at large, making it even harder for Chinese immigrants to muster the courage to seek freedom. As China’s economic and trade power in the UK grows, these immigrants will be even more hesitant to demand freedom from fear.
Democratic countries like the UK face increasing political temptations from “Xi Jinping’s followers” among the overseas Chinese. More and more Chinese people are visiting the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, listening to Xi’s speeches on establishing a new world order and returning to the UK to act as intermediaries, influencing policies in industries ranging from factories to real estate to Parliament.
To protect British democratic traditions, we must be wary of media outlets which promote CCP propaganda. At the same time, we should urge the Chinese regime to stop its internet surveillance and censorship of the Chinese community in the UK. Any economic benefits Britain seeks from China will come at a political cost. The authoritarian regime won’t give out free economic gifts unless Xi himself falls into a political depression.
Political fear is the sword hanging over the heads of Chinese people in the UK. The British government must remove this fear and help these tens of thousands of British passport holders become free citizens. Otherwise, it will be complicit with China’s authoritarian rulers.
Ma Jian is a famous Chinese writer exiled in the UK. His novels include “The Noodle Maker,” “Nine Forked Roads,” “Thinking,” and “Red Dust,” which describes wandering in China and won the 2002 Thomas Cook International Travel Literature Award in the UK. In 2005, he was named one of the fifty most important writers in the world in the 21st century by French literary magazine Lire. Most of Ma Jian’s novels have been translated into nearly 30 languages and distributed around the world, and he was nominated as a candidate for the Swedish Nobel Prize in Literature in 2013 and 2014.
Translation：The Epoch Times.
