（Editor’s note: Sino Euro Voices e.V., The Federation for a Democratic China, and China Democratic Party UK Headquarters have held an international zoom conference on June 2nd to commemorate the 36. anniversary of the June Fourth massacre. We publish the speeches of the invited guests here. 編者按：歐洲之聲、民主中國陣線和中國民主黨英國總部於6月2日聯合舉辦「六四」36週年全球網絡視頻紀念會議——【紀念八九民運 創建憲政民主】，本站將陸續發表與會者的發言稿。）
Dear Tianqi, distinguished ladies and gentlemen, esteemed colleagues,
Thank you, dear Tianqi, for organizing this important conference. I am grateful to you—and to all of you—for the honorable invitation. Given the limited time and the outstanding expertise of speakers at this online meeting, allow me to confine myself to a few remarks regarding Taiwan and the growing threats to its democracy and territorial integrity.
First, let me emphasize: the commemoration of the June 4, 1989 massacre is of utmost importance again this year. This remembrance must also include reflection on the unprecedented pro-democracy movement in the weeks leading up to June 4, which brought millions of people into the streets of Beijing and other Chinese cities. These positive images and memories of peaceful protest serve as a powerful reminder that it is neither a natural law nor a cultural norm that prevents China from striving for a democratic form of government.
Today, Taiwan, as a self-governing democracy, demonstrates how appealing this system—with its universal freedoms and human rights—can be for Chinese people. During my most recent visit to Taiwan in March 2025, I had the opportunity to speak with numerous experts, politicians, and intellectuals. Direct contact with Taiwan at the level of civil society, and the expansion of opportunities for political education trips, should be significantly increased in the coming years. Taiwan is still far too unfamiliar to many people in Germany—this needs to change as soon as possible.
The danger of a military aggression by China against Taiwan is growing. This is clearly illustrated by increasingly aggressive military maneuvers in the Taiwan Strait, which can be seen as real preparations for a military offensive. As U.S. Defense Secretary Hegseth recently emphasized in Singapore:
“China seeks to become a hegemonic power in Asia—no doubt. It hopes to dominate and control too many parts of this vibrant and vital region. Through its massive military build-up and growing willingness to use force to achieve its goals—including gray zone tactics and hybrid warfare—China has demonstrated that it wants to fundamentally alter the region’s status quo.”
Despite Hegseth’s and others’ clear assurances to maintain the status quo through a policy of strength and deterrence, we must remain deeply concerned for Taiwan.
First, it is obvious that the erratic and incoherent behavior of Donald Trump on the global stage in recent months has raised serious doubts about the United States’ willingness to continue opposing Chinese expansion. In March, for reasons that remain unclear, Trump cut all funding for the Radio Free Asia network—a decision currently being challenged in court. This reckless and self-defeating retreat by the U.S. is “doing China a big favor,” as this decision has been widely commented on internationally.
Second, as The Economist aptly put it, the chronic dysfunction of Taiwan’s politics also plays into China’s hands. The power struggle between President Lai Ching-te and the KMT, which pursues a policy of appeasement toward China, has further deepened polarization within Taiwanese society. China’s influence on Taiwan’s civil society, media, religious organizations, and economically dependent sectors should not be underestimated.
It is entirely possible that Beijing will concentrate on installing a government in Taiwan that is loyal to its interests—by means of disinformation, other forms of public manipulation, and economic coercion.
The coming years will therefore be a decisive test of Taiwanese society’s resilience. It is all the more important that not only the United States but also the European Union and civil societies support Taiwan in its struggle to preserve its democracy and maintain the status quo.
Thank you for your attention.
尊敬的天琪、各位來賓、各位同事：
謝謝天琪組織這次重要的會議。我非常感謝你們的盛情邀約。鑑於時間有限，且本次線上會議的發言者專業知識非常豐富，請允許我僅就台灣及其民主和領土完整日益受到增長的威脅談幾點看法。
首先我要強調，紀念六四大屠殺具有極為重要的意義。我們必須回顧反思六四事件發生前幾週，那場史無前例的民主運動，它促使數百萬人走上北京和其他中國城市的街頭。這些和平抗議的正面形象和記憶有力地提醒我們，阻止中國追求民主政體既不是自然法則，也不是文化規範。
如今，台灣作為一個自治民主國家，展現了這種享有普遍自由和人權的制度對中國人民的吸引力。我最近於今年3月訪問台灣期間，有機會與許多專家、政治家和知識分子交談。在未來，西方與台灣民間社會的直接接觸以及政治教育性質的旅行機會，應該擴大和增加。台灣對許多德國人來說仍然太陌生——這種情況需要盡快改變。
中國對台灣軍事侵略的危險正在增加。台灣海峽日益激進的軍事演習清楚地表明了這一點，軍事演習可以被視為發動軍事攻擊的熱身準備。正如美國國防部長赫格塞斯最近在新加坡香格里拉會議上所強調的：
毫無疑問，中國尋求成為亞洲霸權。它希望主宰和控制這個充滿活力和生機的地區。透過大規模的軍事擴張以及動用武力來達成目標的意願——包括灰色地帶戰術和混合戰爭——中國已經表明，它想要從根本上改變該地區的現狀。
儘管赫格塞斯和其他人明確保證，他們國家將以實力和威懾政策來維持印太地區現狀，但我們仍然對台灣的處境深感擔憂。
首先，川普總統近幾個月來在全球舞台上反复無常、缺乏連貫性的行為，引發了人們嚴重懷疑，美國會真的繼續反對中國擴張。今年 3 月，川普莫名其妙地切斷了對自由亞洲電台網絡的所有資助——這一決定目前正在法庭上受到質疑。美國這種魯莽且適得其反的退卻，被國際社會廣泛評論為「幫了中國大忙」。
其次，正如《經濟學人》一針見血地指出，台灣政治的長期失調也正中中國的下懷。賴清德總統與奉行綏靖政策的國民黨之間的權力鬥爭，進一步加深了台灣社會的兩極化。中國對台灣公民社會、媒體、宗教組織和經濟依賴部門的影響力不容小覷。
北京完全有可能透過虛假資訊、其他形式的公眾操縱和經濟脅迫，來集中精力在台灣建立一個忠於其利益的親共政府。
因此，未來幾年將是對台灣社會韌性的決定性考驗。更重要的是，不僅是美國，而且歐盟和民間社會也應支持台灣維護民主和維持現狀的鬥爭。
感謝您的關注。
