聯合國人權事務高級專員米歇爾•巴切萊特結束對中國正式訪問後的聲明
Good evening and thank you all for joining me here today. This press conference has to be virtual, given the COVID-19 restrictions in place. But I hope this means that those of you who may otherwise not have been able to travel here from different parts of China have been able to join.
Let me start by thanking the Government of China for its invitation. For the first time in 17 years, a UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has been able to travel to China and speak directly with the most senior Government officials in the country, and other interlocutors on key human rights issues, in China and globally. I appreciate the Government’s efforts in making this visit happen, particularly the arrangements for my virtual meeting with President Xi Jinping.
I was also able to meet with State Councilor Wang Yi, the Chief Justice of the Supreme People’s Court, and with senior officials on public security, justice, ethnic affairs and human resources, the State Procuratorate, and the Governor of Guangdong Province. I also met with the All China Women’s Federation. During my two days in Kashgar and Urumqi, I met with a range of officials, including the Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR), the Governor and the Vice-Governor in charge of public security, among others. I visited Kashgar prison and the Kashgar Experimental School, a former Vocational Education and Training Centre (VETC), among other places.
In addition, I was able to interact with civil society organisations, academics, and community and religious leaders and others inside and outside the country. In advance of my visit, my Office and I met virtually with a number of civil society organisations that are working on issues relating to Xinjiang, Tibet, Hong Kong and other parts of China. My visit has also been informed by the work of the UN human rights mechanisms on China over many years, and the preparatory work done by my office and my advance team that arrived in China on 25 April.
I should state from the outset what this visit was – and what it wasn’t. This visit was not an investigation – official visits by a High Commissioner are by their nature high-profile and simply not conducive to the kind of detailed, methodical, discreet work of an investigative nature. The visit was an opportunity to hold direct discussions – with China’s most senior leaders – on human rights, to listen to each other, raise concerns, explore and pave the way for more regular, meaningful interactions in the future, with a view to supporting China in fulfilling its obligations under international human rights law.
Considering China’s significant role in multilateralism, the visit was an opportunity for me to also discuss several other regional and global issues, where China can use its leverage to bring political solutions.
To those who have sent me appeals, asking me to raise issues or cases with the authorities – I have heard you. Your advocacy matters and my visit was an opportunity to raise a number of specific situations and issues of concern with the Government. I will continue to follow up on such issues and instances of concern on a sustained basis.
It would be presumptuous of me to try to encapsulate the full complexity of this vast country’s human rights situation in one statement but allow me to highlight the key topics we were able to discuss at length.
Poverty alleviation and the eradication of extreme poverty, 10 years ahead of its target date, are tremendous achievements of China. The introduction of universal health care and almost universal unemployment insurance scheme go a long way in ensuring protection of the right to health and broader social and economic rights. China’s efforts in support of the multilateral 2030 Agenda and the Sustainable Development Goals, both at home and internationally, are also valued. We stressed the importance of advancing gender parity and appropriate geographical distribution.
Over the years, there have been important legislative and judicial reforms. On gender equality, I welcome revision of the Law on Protecting Women’s Rights and Interests, which should bring about several improvements for protection of women’s rights. I also commend the recent reform of the Civil Code that introduced provisions on sexual harassment as well as the anti-domestic violence law that provides for restraining orders to protect women and children at risk. Of course, as in every country, implementation is key, so it will be important for the authorities to be vigilant in that regard and respond to concerns about how the law is applied in practice. I would like to see more women at all levels of political representation, and have encouraged businesses to create the conditions for more women at the top as well.
I welcome China’s stated aim of ensuring quality development, closely linked to strengthening the rule of law and respect for human rights. This is formulated in the Human Rights Action Plan of China and other policy documents. My team had in-depth discussions on how national legislation and practices must reflect international human rights laws and standards, particularly in relation to law enforcement and judicial procedures, and we look forward to continuing to share our expertise with the Government and judiciary.
The commitment in the Human Rights Action Plan of China to enforce more rigorous procedures for reviewing capital sentences and implement a more stringent mechanism for reporting and reviewing death penalty cases is also welcome. It is important to issue data on the death penalty, and I do hope China will join the growing international momentum towards abolition of the death penalty.
In my discussions with senior officials, the themes of development, peace and security arose in every meeting. Of course, for development, peace and security to be sustainable, it needs to be inclusive and rooted in protection of human rights.
I share the concerns of a number of UN human rights mechanisms about laws and policies to counter terrorism and radicalism and their application.
Violent acts of extremism have a terrible, serious impact on the lives of victims, including those tasked to protect the community. But it is critical that counter-terrorism responses do not result in human rights violations. The application of relevant laws and policies, and any mandatory measures imposed on individuals, need to be subject to independent judicial oversight, with greater transparency of judicial proceedings. All victims must be able to seek redress.
In the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, I have raised questions and concerns about the application of counter-terrorism and de-radicalisation measures and their broad application – particularly their impact on the rights of Uyghurs and other predominantly Muslim minorities. While I am unable to assess the full scale of the VETCs, I raised with the Government the lack of independent judicial oversight of the operation of the program, the reliance by law enforcement officials on 15 indicators to determine tendencies towards violent extremism, allegations of the use of force and ill treatment in institutions, and reports of unduly severe restrictions on legitimate religious practices. During my visit, the Government assured me that the VETC system has been dismantled. I encouraged the Government to undertake a review of all counter terrorism and deradicalization policies to ensure they fully comply with international human rights standards, and in particular that they are not applied in an arbitrary and discriminatory way.
Before coming to China, I heard from some Uyghur families now living abroad who have lost contact with their loved ones. In my discussions with the authorities, I appealed to them to take measures to provide information to families as a matter of priority.
I also share the concerns of UN human rights mechanisms about legitimate activities by lawyers, human rights defenders and others being penalized under the national security framework. UN human rights bodies have found the system of Residential Surveillance constitutes arbitrary detention and have called for its repeal.
My interactions with NGOs in China were also enriching. There is important work being done to advance gender equality, the rights of LGBTI people, of people with disabilities and older people, among others.
China has a tradition of grassroots engagement, and I cannot overstate how important this is. Broadening the space for meaningful participation and advocacy by civil society is crucial to strengthen participation and the freedom of expression.
On the Tibet Autonomous Region, it is important the linguistic, religious and cultural identity of Tibetans be protected, and that Tibetan people are allowed to participate fully and freely in decisions about their religious life and for dialogue to take place. I discussed education policies in the Tibet Autonomous Region and stressed the importance of children learning in their own language and culture in the setting of their families or communities.
The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) has long been respected as a centre for human rights and independent media in the region. It is important that the Government there do all it can to nurture – and not stifle – the tremendous potential for civil society and academics in Hong Kong to contribute to the promotion and protection of human rights in the HKSAR and beyond. The arrests of lawyers, activists, journalists and others under the National Security Law are deeply worrying. Hong Kong is due to be reviewed by the UN Human Rights Committee in July, as a party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
I have called on China to also ratify the Covenant, which it signed in 1998.
China’s recent ratification of of the two International Labour Organization Conventions (29 and 105) on forced labour, once deposited, will be a welcome and an important starting point for protecting fundamental principles and rights at work. Beyond ratification, it will now be important to build a broad-based system, encompassing not only on labour inspection and enforcement, but prevention and due diligence. Civil society actors – including business, trade unions, NGOs and the media – also have an important role to monitor compliance and highlight gaps. I encouraged China to engage constructively with ILO.
I was also able to engage with representatives of China’s business community, and am encouraged to see Chinese companies and sectors embracing human rights standards for their operations and supply chains.
Given the many intersecting global crises facing the world today, including climate change, threats to peace and security and instability in the global economic system, as well as the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, China has a very important role to play as a key contributor in multilateral and regional fora.
We agreed to establish regular engagement between the UN Human Rights Office and the Government of China, including through an annual senior strategic meeting for discussion of issues of respective interest at national, regional, or global levels.
We also agreed to establish a working group to facilitate substantive exchanges and cooperation between my Office and the Government through meetings in Beijing and in Geneva, as well as virtual meetings. This working group will organize a series of follow-up discussions about specific thematic areas, including but not limited to development, poverty alleviation and human rights, rights of minorities, business and human rights, counter-terrorism and human rights, digital space and human rights, judicial and legal protection and human rights, as well as other issues raised by either side.
This will allow for structured engagement of my Office with China on a number of human rights issues. This is especially important as my Office does not have a country presence. The working group will also provide a space for us to bring to attention of the Government a number of specific matters of concern.
The Government has also stated that it will invite senior officials from the Office to visit China in the future.
I spoke to everyone I met in China – regional and national officials, civil society, academics, diplomats and others – with candour, with a sincere desire to make progress on the promotion and protection of human rights for all. I hope we can build on this open and frank approach to carry forward these exchanges in a meaningful and impactful way.
聯合國人權事務高級專員米歇爾•巴切萊特結束對中國正式訪問後的聲明
晚上好,感謝大家今天來參加我的記者會。可惜的是,鑒於COVID-19的限制,這次新聞發布會必須以虛擬形式舉行。但我希望這意味著,也許您們當中本來無法從中國不同地區來到這里的人因此能夠參加。
首先,請讓我先感謝中國政府的邀請。這是十七年來,聯合國人權事務高級專員首次能夠前往中國,與該國最高級別的政府官員和其他對話者,就中國和全球的關鍵人權問題直接對話。我感謝中國政府為促成這次訪問所作的努力,特別是為我與習近平主席的虛擬會晤所做的安排。
我還得以與國務委員王毅、最高人民法院首席大法官、有關公安、司法、民族事務和人力資源部門的高級官員,國家檢察院和廣東省省長會面。我也會見了中華全國婦女聯合會。在喀什和烏魯木齊的兩天里,我還會見了一系列官員,包括中國共產黨新疆維吾爾自治區書記、區政府主席,和負責公共安全的副區政府主席等人。我參觀了喀什監獄,和前身是職業教育培訓中心的喀什市特區實驗學校,以及其他地方。
此外,我還能夠與國內和國外的民間社會組織、學者和其他人士進行虛擬會議。在訪問之前,我的辦事處和我,與一些從事有關新疆、西藏、香港和中國其他地區事宜的民間社會組織進行了交流。我的訪問也參考了我的辦公室幾個月來的研究,以及聯合國人權機制多年來關於中國的工作,以及4月25日抵達中國的先遣隊所做的準備工作。
我應該從一開始就說明這次訪問是什麽,以及不是什麽。這次訪問不是一次調查,高級專員的官式訪問就其性質而言是高調的,根本不利於進行那種詳細、有條不紊、謹慎的調查性工作。這次訪問是一個機會,可以就人權問題與中國最高領導人進行直接討論、提出關切、相互傾聽,並為今後探索更經常、有意義的交流和為之做好準備,以支持中國履行其國際人權法義務。
考慮到中國在多邊主義中的重要作用,這次訪問對我來說也是一個機會,可以討論其他幾個區域和全球問題,當中中國可以利用其影響力帶來政治解決方案。
對於那些向我發出呼籲,要求我向當局提出問題或案件的人,我聽到了。您們的倡導很重要,而我的訪問是一個向政府提出一些具體狀況和關切問題的機會。我將持續跟蹤關注的問題和情況。
如果我試圖在一次發言中概括這個遼闊國家的人權狀況的全部fu雜性,那就太冒昧了。因此,此聲明並非旨在進行全面評估,但請允許我強調我們能夠詳細討論的幾個關鍵議題。
扶貧和消除極端貧困,比目標日期提前10年,這是中國的巨大成就。普及醫療保健和幾乎全民的失業保險計劃的推行,在確保保護健康權和更廣泛的社會和經濟權利方面起了很大作用。中國在國內外支持多邊2030議程,和可持續發展目標的努力,也受到重視。我們強調推進性別平等和適當地域分配的重要性。
多年來,重要的立法和司法改革已經進行。在性別平等方面,我歡迎對《婦女權益保障法》的修訂,這將為保護婦女的權利帶來一些改進。我還讚揚最近對《民法典》的改革,其中引入了關於性騷擾的規定,以及引入了限制令以保護面臨風險的婦女和兒童的反家庭暴力法。當然,和每個國家一樣,執行才是關鍵,所以當局必須在這方面保持警惕,並對有關法律在實踐中如何應用的問題作出回應。我希望看到更多女性參與各級政治代表,並鼓勵企業也為女性創造登上高層的條件。
我對中國提出的確保高質量發展的既定目標表示歡迎,這與加強法治和尊重人權密切相關。這反映在中國的《國家人權行動計劃》和其他政策文件中。我的團隊深入討論了國家立法和實踐如何反映國際法律和標準,特別是在執法和司法程序方面,我們期待著繼續與政府和司法部門分享我們的專業知識。
《國家人權行動計劃》中承諾執行更嚴格的死刑審查程序,並實施更嚴格的死刑案件報告和審查機制,這也是值得歡迎的。公布這次審查執行情況的數據很重要,我希望中國加入國際日益增長的廢除死刑的勢頭。
在我與高級官員的討論中,每次會議都會出現發展、和平與安全這些主題。當然,發展、和平與安全要持續下去,就必須具有包容性,並紮根於對人權的保護。
我和一些聯合國人權機制一樣,對打擊恐怖主義和激進主義的法律和政策及其應用,深感關注。
極端主義的暴力行為,對受害者的生活產生了可怕而嚴重的影響,包括那些負責保護社區的人,以及他們對一系列人權的享受。但是,歧視性的、不尊重正當程序權利的反恐措施,不僅對直接受影響的人,而且對整個社會都會造成嚴重的損害。關於反恐的法律和政策的應用,以及對個人施加的任何強制性措施,都需要受到獨立的司法監督,並連同更高透明度的司法程序。所有受害者都必須能夠尋求補償。
在新疆維吾爾自治區,我對反恐和去激進化措施的應用及其廣泛性,提出了疑問和關切–特別是對維吾爾人和其他以穆斯林為主的少數民族權利的影響。雖然我無法評估教培中心的全部規模,但我向政府提出,該計劃的運作缺乏獨立的司法監督,執法官員依靠15項指標來確定暴力極端主義的傾向,關於機構中使用武力和虐待的指控,以及關於不適當地嚴格限制合法宗教活動的報告。在我訪問期間,政府向我保證,職業技能教育培訓中心系統已經被拆除。我鼓勵政府審查所有反恐和去激進化政策,以確保它們完全符合國際人權標準,特別是確保它們不會以任意和歧視性的方式實施。
在來中國之前,我聽到一些現生活在國外的維吾爾族家庭與他們的親人失去聯系。在我與當局的討論中,我呼籲他們采取措施,作為優先事項向家屬提供信息
我也和聯合國人權機制一樣,對律師、人權維護者和其他人在國家安全框架下的合法活動受到懲罰,表示關切。聯合國人權機構也認為,指定地點的住宅監視系統是一種任意拘留的形式,並呼籲廢除該系統。
我與中國的非政府組織的交流也很豐富充實。在推進性別平等、LGBTI人群、殘疾人和老年人的權利等方面,正在進行重要的工作。
中國有基層參與的傳統,我怎麽強調這一點都不為過。擴大民間社會有意義參與和倡導空間,對於加強參與和言論自由至關重要。
關於西藏自治區,重要的是要保護藏族人的語言、宗教和文化身份,允許藏族人民充分和自由地參與有關其宗教生活的決定和進行對話。我討論了西藏自治區的教育政策,並強調了兒童在家庭或社區的環境中,使用自己的語言和文化學習的重要性。
香港特別行政區(香港特區)長期以來一直被尊重為該區的人權和獨立媒體中心。重要的是,那里的政府應盡其所能培養–而不是扼殺–香港公民社會和學術界為促進和保護香港特區和其他地區的人權作出貢獻的巨大潛力。根據《國家安全法》逮捕律師、維權人士、記者和其他人,此舉令人深感擔憂。作為《公民及政治權利國際公約》的締約方,香港將於7月接受聯合國人權事務委員會的審查。
我呼籲中國也正式批準它於1998年簽署的《公約》。
中國最近正式批準了國際勞工組織的兩項公約(關於強迫勞動的第29號和第105號公約),這是提高勞動問題透明度的一個值得歡迎的重要起點。除了正式批準之外,現在重要的是建立一個基礎廣泛的系統,不僅包括勞動監察和執法,還包括預防和盡職審查。這也需要民間社會參與者–包括工會、非政府組織和媒體–能夠監督遵守情況並挑出差距。我鼓勵中國與國際勞工組織進行建設性的接觸。
我還能夠與中國工商業界的代表接觸,看到中國的公司和行業在其業務和供應鏈中采用人權標準,我感到鼓舞。
鑒於當今世界面臨許多相互交織的全球危機,包括氣候變化、對和平與安全的威脅,和全球經濟體系的不穩定,以及COVID-19大流行病的影響,中國作為多邊和區域論壇的主要貢獻者,可以發揮非常重要的作用。
聯合國人權事務高級專員辦事處和中國政府雙方同意,建立定期接觸,包括通過年度高級戰略會議,討論各自在國家、區域或全球層面的問題。
我們還同意成立一個工作組,通過在北京和日內瓦會面,以及透過虛擬會議,促進我辦和政府之間的實質性交流和合作。該工作組將組織一系列有關具體專題領域的後續討論,包括但不限於發展、扶貧和人權、少數民族權利、工商業和人權、反恐和人權、數字空間和人權、司法和法律保護和人權,以及雙方提出的其他問題。
這將使我辦能夠在一些人權問題上,與中國進行有組織的接觸。這一點尤其重要,因為我們沒有在中國設立辦事處。該工作組還將為我辦提供一個平台空間,以提請中國政府注意一些具體的關切事項。
中國政府還表示,今後將邀請我辦的高級官員訪問中國。
我與我在中國遇到的每一個人——地區和國家官員、民間社會、學術界、外交官和其他人——坦誠交談,真誠地希望在促進和保護所有人的人權方面取得進展。我希望我們能在這種開放和坦誠的方式基礎上,以有意義和有影響的方式,推進這些交流。